RHODE ISLAND

HISTORICAL ERACTS

NO. 16.

LOOKING GLASS FOR THE . TIMES

PETER FOLGER.

RHODE ISLAND

HIStoRICAL TRACTS.

LOOKING GLASS FOR THE TIMES

OR THE

FORMER SPIRIT OF NEW ENGLAND REVIVED IN THIS GENERATION.

BY

PETER FOLGER.

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PROVIDENCE SIDNEY S. RIDER 1883.

| PUBLISHER’S NOTE.

———_ a

It is necessary that the publisher of this series of Tracts should explain why this Tract is included in the series. It was written in Massachusetts previously to 1675, by a resident, and is a very

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i : earnest and powerful argument against that policy carried out

lee by the Government and Clergy of the Province, by which num-

; bers of excellent men and women were imprisoned, whipped, banished, or suffered martyrdom, on account of their religious belief. Mary Dyer, the wife of the Rhode Island Secretary, was just as much a martyr as was John Huss. A recent writer on Roger Williams’s banishment, maintains that Williams was ban-

’ ished because he was politically dangerous to the state. Was

Mary Dyer hanged in Massachusetts because she, too, was polit-

’ ically dangerous to the state? Another and still later writer

. i maintains that Rhode Island was settled by a parcel of religious ; fanatics. Pray what epithet will he apply to those whoremained in Massachusetts to hang or put in irons the poor fanatics who would not surrender their opinions nor theirlands? Here in

Rhode Island they reasoned with men to convince them of their | ae religious errors, and, failing to convince, let them alone. In Massachusetts, failing to convince, they brought an end to the

argument by hanging the ‘‘fanatic.”

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PUBLISHER’S NOTE.

Mr. Folger, who lived at the time, was of mature years, pos-

sessed of a clear intelligence and of a powerful mind, makes no mention of these poor fanatics being ‘politically dangerous to the state,”” but he expressly says:

** The cause of this their suffering

Vas not for any sin.”

Will the persistent misrepresentations of the writers of Massa- chusetts history never come to anend? What force is there in the argument that Roger Williams was politically dangerous to the state when everybody can see that within a stone's throw of Massachusetts he founded another state, which grew and pros- pered certainly as much as the one from which he was driven, and from which came forth those principles of religious liberty which to-day govern not only Massachusetts, but every other portion of the civilized world. Writers of what they wish called history would do well to cease misrepresenting these facts. It is because Mr. Folger makes special reference to these poor ‘** fanatics” who settled in Rhode Island, and suffered afterwards in Massachusetts, and because of his manly protest against all such treatment, his fearless statement of the truth as he saw it, that the publisher has been induced to reprint his verses. To- day the world at large outside of the commonwealth is with Mr. Folger, and when he tells the Massachusetts magistrate,

“Indeed I really believe its not your buisness To meddle with the church of Christ in matters more or less,” the world is with him; and men wonder that these relics of <

barbaric age find defenders in this nineteenth century.

Sr ee Se eee

PUBLISHER’S NOTE.

The fourth specification of the charges against Williams, a: en by Winthrop, and upon-which every writer must rely, is as fol- lows: ‘That the civil magistrate’s power extends only to the bodies and goods and ontward state of man.” According to these modern investigators, this fourth specification had no reference to the rights of conscience. They hold that it clearly showed Mr. Williams to be in opposition to ‘‘a due subordination to the powers that be in the state, made him a subverter of the very foundations of their government.” *

Mr. Williams believed the power of the civil magistrate ex- tended to the body and goods of the citizens of the state and not farther: this was subverting the very foundations of the gov- ernment.

The author of a recently published and apparently exhaustive examination of the case of Roger Williams, reaches the conclu- sion, first that Williams was not banished at all —‘‘exclusion” is

the euphemistic phrase he uses; and second, that his views con-

cerning liberty of couscience had little or nothing to do with the

“exclusion,” but that Williams was ‘‘ excluded” for ‘ reasons

purely political,” and having no relations to any other subjects

“than those bezring on the common rights of property.” A still more recent writer, in his ‘short history of the English Colonies,” vives us music from the same lyre, indeed it almost seems that he must have read the former treatise, for he also disbelieves in the ** banishment” of Mr. Williams; ‘‘ driven out ” is the phrase which he uses, ‘* not because he believed in liberty

inte cle Vitis texvproe nolittealle deneoergrs ” because his acts were politically GaNngerous,

of couscience, but

As to Roger Williams,” page 9.

10 PUBLISHER'S NOTE.

Williams held that the King of England possessed no title to the land in New England, that it belonged to the original pos- sessor, the Indian, and that any valid title to it must be obtained by paying the Indian for it. This he claimed the Massachusetts settlers had not done, and therefore their titles were invalid.

The doctrine that a person holding to the opinion that the owner and possessor of property is entitled to be paid for it, is a “person politically dangerous to the state,” seems altogether novel. Such a defence set up by some delinquent debtor before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, would be an occasion of

some interest in these days to such poor “ fanatics ” as are noW living in these Plantations.

Having given his reasons for reproducing, as a Rhode Island Historical Tract, Mr. Folger’s verses, the publisher has com- piled from various sources some account of Mr. Folger, ‘‘ the strong-brained and free hearted old surveyor of Nantucket.” Mr. Duyckinck says “she was an Englishman, that he came to Ameri- ca with his father from Norwich in 1635, that he was then eight- een years of age. The family settled at Martha’s Vineyard. In 1663 Peter Folger removed to Nantucket among the first settlers. He was one of five commissioners to lay out the land, being well qualified by his knowledge of surveying for such a task. The

words of the order prove the estimation in which he was held in

the community, ‘ whatsoever shall be done by them, or any three

of them, Peter Folger being one, shall be accounted legal and valid.’ He was learned in the Indian languages and was of much service as an interpreter.”

He died in 1690, leaving a wife and several children. His

youngest daughter, Abiah, became the mother of Benjamin Frank-

a i ae eae nl anal i | ie a —_ 0 ve PUBLISHER'S NOTE. 11 i 4 lin, who, in his autobiography makes honorable mention of his 4 mother, and his grandfather, and especially of these verses, thus: ) ‘J was born at Boston in New England. My mother, the sec- \ it ; ond wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of ~ | the first colonists of New England, of whom Cotton Mather makes honorable mention in his ecclesiastical history of that 4 | province as a pious and learned Englishman, if 1 rightly recollect ; his expressions. I have been told of his having written a variety | ; ion of little pieces, but there appears to be only one in print, which § I met with many years ago. It was published in the year 1675, | } } 2 and is in familiar verse agreeably to the tales of the times and Ae | country. ‘The author addresses himself to the governors for the > { time being, speaks for liberty of conscience, and in favour of the Bf anabaptists, quakers, and other sectaries who had suffered per- 1? secution. ‘Tothis persecution he attributes the wars with the if : natives and other calamities which afflicted the country, regard- ant \t ing them as judgments of God iu punishment of so odious an i ae offence, and he exhorts the government to the repeal of laws so 7 7 contrary to charity. The poem appeared to be written with a , ie manly freedom and a pleasing simplicity.” \ i From the statement made by Franklin that these verses were a published in 1675, the opinion has hitherto been held that there

was such an edition. It has now come to be doubted. In fact

in one edition of the autobiography the words, “ published in

1675,” were altered to “written in 1675.” No copy is now

Fe known previous to that of 1763, from which this edition is re- printed.

BS he In the forthcoming volume of the catalogue of the library of 1 the late John Carter Brown, Mr. John R. Bartlett has surveyed rt

12 PUBLISHER'S

the whole ground, From his note the publisher has been per- mitted to make such extracts as he desired. Mr. Bartlett says: ““ Notwithstanding these assertions that the Looking Glass for the Times, was printed in 1675, no copy of such edition is known to exist, nor is it found in any catalogue; the inference is that the writers who mention a printed edition of 1675, are in error. That they saw a manuscript copy of it and that the first and only printed edition of it is that of 1763. Sabin in his dictionary gives both editions, but says he never saw the former. Mr. Duyckinck repriuted the verses, but he took them from a manu- script copy.”

If, as it now seems to be shown by Myr. Bartlett, the verses were not printed until 1763, nearly three quarters of a century after Mr. Folger’s death, some of the commendations bestowed on him by Prof. Tyler, because ‘‘ he nobly declined shirking all responsibility in the affair, but just wove his name and his place of abode into the tissue of his verse,” disappear. It cannot be

held that a man particularly braves public sentiment whose ut-

terances are kept out of sight, in manuscript, three quarters of

a century after his death. With another opinion by this same writer there can be no difference, that ‘‘this ballad, though with-

out one sparkle of poetry, is great in frankness and in force.”

A = Looking GLASS FORT: HE

i rf 1M £E S.

| \ OR, s . The former Spirit of Mew-England

:

' ‘ ‘ : ; f revived in this generation.

. To which is added,

ER The Reports from the Lords of the Com- I mittee of Councils, and the Kin @’s ie Order relating to the People called Hl Quakers in New-England.

: ie By Peter Folger.

. Let all that read thefe Verfes know, ie That I intend fomething to fhow . About our War, how it hath been, yi And alfo what is the chief Sin, A That God doth fo uith us contend, AL And when thefe Wars are like to end.

\ Read then in Love; do not de/pife

i What here is fet before thine eyes.

: Printed in the Year 1 7 6 3.

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| 3 agli Sete for thefe many. Years hath had both Reft and Peace, But now the Cafe is otherwife ;

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our Trouble doth encreafe.

The plague of War is now begun piag g =

in fome great Colonies, And many Towns as defolate we may fee with our Eyes. The Lofs of many goodly Men we may lament alfo, Who in the War have loft their lives, and fallen by our Foe. Our Women alfo they have took, and Children very {mall ; Great Cruelty they have ufed to fome, tho’ not to all.

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The Enemy that hath done this, are very foolifh Men;

Yet God doth make of them a Rod to punifh us for Sin.

If we then truly turn to God, he will remove his Ire,

And will forthwith take this his Rod And caft it into Fire.

Let us then fearch what is the Sin that God doth punifh for ;

And when found out caft it away, and ever it abhor.

Sure ’tis not chiefly for thofe Sins that Magiftrates do name,

And make good Laws for to fupprefs, and execute the fame.

But ’tis for that fame crying Sin, that Rulers will not own,

And that whereby much Cruelty to brethren hath been fhown:

The Sin of Perfecution fuch Laws eftablithed ;

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By which Laws they have gone fo far, as Blood hath touched Blood.

It is now Forty Years ago, fince fome of those were made,

Which was the Ground and Rife of all the perfecuting Trade.

Then many worthy perfons were banished to the Woods,

Where they among the Natives did lofe their moft precious Bloods.

And fince that, many Godley Men have been to Prifon fent;

They have been fin’d and whip’d alfo, and fuffer’d Banifhment.

The Caufe of this their Suffering was not for any Sin,

But for the Witnefs that they bare against Babes Sprinkling.

Of later time their hath been fome Men come into this Land,

To warn the Rulers of their Sins, as I do underftand.

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They call’d on all, both great and fmall, to fear God and repent ; And for their Teftimonies thus they suffer’d Punifhment. Yea, fome of them they did affirm, that they were fent of God To teftify to great and small, that God would fend his Rod Againft thofe Colonies, becaufe they did make Laws not good ; And if thofe Laws were not repeal’d, the end would be in Blood. And tho’ that thefe were harmlefs Men, and did no hurt to any, But lived well like honeft Men, as teftify’d by many ; Yet did thefe Laws entrap them fo, that they were put to Death, And could not have the Liberty to fpeak near their laft Breath. But thefe Men were as I have heard, against our College Men;

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( 6 )

And this was out of doubt to me, that which was moft their sin.

They did reprove all Hirelings, with a moft Sharp Reproof,

Because they knew not how to preach, till fure of Means enough.

Now to the Sufferings of thefe Men, I have but gave a hint;

Becaufe that in George Bi/hop’s Book you may fee all in print.

But may we know the Counfellors that brought our Ruler sin,

To be fo guilty as they are, of the aforefaid Sin?

They were the tribe of Minifters, as they are said to be,

Who always to our Magiftrates mutt be the eyes to fee,

Thefe are the Men that by their Wits, have {pun so fair a Thread,

That now themfelves and others are of Natives in a Dread.

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(7)

What need is there of fuch a Fear if we have done no III?

But ’tis becaufe that we have been not doing of God’s Will.

When Cain had flain his Brother, then began this Fear to be,

That every Man would do to him the fame that did him fee.

The Scripture doth declare the Caufe why Cain did kill his Brother ;

It was because the Deeds of one was good, and not the other.

Becaufe that God did Favour fhow To Aéde/ more than he,

That was in verity the thing that Envy could not fee.

Then let us all, both great and {mall take heed how we do fight

Againft the Spirit of the Lord, which is our higheft Light.

Let Magiftrates and Minifters confider what they do;

( 8 )

Let them repeal thofe evil Laws, and break thofe Bands in two,

Which have been made as Traps and Snares to catch the Innocents,

And whereby it has gone fo far, to Aéts of Violence.

I fee you write yourselves in Print, the Balm of Gilead ;

Then do not act as if you were like Men that are half mad.

If you can heal the Land, what is the Caufe things are fo bad?

I think inftead of that, you make the Hearts of People fad.

Is this a Time for you to prefs, to draw the Blood of thofe

That are your Neighbours and your Friends as if you had no Foes.

Yea fome there are, as I have heard, have lately found out Tricks

To put the Caufe of all the War upon the Hereticks,

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(9°)

Or rather on fome Officers that now begin to flack

The execution of thofe Laws, whofe confequence is black.

I do affirm to you, if that be really your mind,

You muft go turn another Leaf, before that Peace you find.

Now loving Friends and Country-Men, I with we may be wife;

Tis now atime for every Man to fee with his own Eyes.

Tis eafy to provoke the Lord to fend among us War ;

Tis eafy to do Violence, to envy and to jar ;

To thew a Spirit that is high, to fcorn and domineer;

To pride it out as if there were,

no God to make us fear; To covet what is not our own, to cheat and to opprefs ;

( 10 )

To live a Life that might free us from Aéts of Righteoufnets ;

To {wear and lie, and to be drunk, to backbite one another ;

To carry Tales that may do hurt and Mifchief to our Brother!

To live in fuch Hypocrify, as Men may think us good,

Although our Hearts within are full of Evil, and of Blood.

All thefe and many Evils more are eafy for to do ;

But to repent, and to reform, we have no Strength unto.

Let us then feek for help from God, and turn to him that fmite ;

Let us take heed, that at no time, we fin again{t our Light.

Let’s bear our teftimony plain ’gainft Sin in High and Low;

And fee that we no Cowards be, to hide the Light we know.

( 11 )

When onathan is call’d to Court, tfhall we as Stander’s by,

Be {till and have no Word to fpeak, but suffer him to die?

If that you fay you cannot help, things will be as they are; I tell you true, ’tis plain and clear, thofe Words may come from fear. That you fhall lofe fome carnal things, if you do fpeak for God ;

And here you go the neareft way to tafte deep of his Rod.

Tis true, there are some times indeed of Silence to the Meek ;

Not ever, for the Lord doth fay, there is a time to f{peak.

Be vigilant then for to fee the movings of your heart,

And you will know right well the time when you fhall act your Part.

I would not have you for to think, tho’ I have wrote fo much,

(12)

That I hereby do throw a Stone at Magiftrates af such. The Rulers in the Country I do own them in the Lord ; And fuch as are for Government, with them I do accord. But that which I intend hereby, is that they would keep bound, And meddle not with God’s Worthip, for which they have no ground. And I am not alone herein, there’s many hundreds more That have for many Year’s ago {pake much upon that Score, Indeed I really believe it’s not your Bufiness To meddle with the Church of Chrift, in Matters more or lefs, There’s work enough to do belides, to judge in mine and thine, To fuccour Poor and Fatherlefs, that isthe Work in fine.

(43°

And I do think that now you find enough of that to do;

Much more at fuch a Time as this as there is War allo,

Indeed I count it very low for People in thefe Days,

To afk the Rulers for their leave to ferve God in his Ways.

I count it worfe in Magiftrates to ufe the Iron Sword,

To do that Work which Chrift alone will do by his own Word.

The Church may now go ftay at home, there’s nothing for to do;

Their Work is all cut out by Law, and almoft made up too.

Now Reader, leaft you thould miftake, in what I faid before

Concerning Minifter’s, I think to write a few Words more,

I would not have you for to think that I am such a Fool,

9

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To write againft Learning, as fuch,

or to cry down a School.

But ’tis that Popi/h College way, that I intend hereby,

Where Men are mew’d up in a Cage, fit for all Villany.

But I fhall leave this puddle Stuff to neighbours at the Door,

That can {peak more unto fuch things, upon a knowing Score.

And now thefe Men though ne’er fo bad, when they have learn’d their Trade,

They muft come in and bear a Part, whatever Laws are made.

I can’t but wonder for to fee out Magiftrates and Wife,

That they fit ftill, and fuffer them, to ride on them, not rife,

And ftir them up to do that Work that Scripture Rule there wants,

To perfecute and perfecute Those that they judge are Saints.

PAS

(245)

There’s one thing more that I believe is worfe than all the rett,

They vilify the Spirit of God, and count School Learning Beft.

If that a Boy hath learn’d his Trade, and can the Spirit difgrace,

Then he is lifted up on high, , and needs muft have a Place,

But I thall leave this dirty Stuff, and give but here a hint,

Becaufe that you have Cradock’s Book, and may fee more in Print.

There are fome few, it may be, that are clear of this fame Trade;

And of thofe Men, I only fay, thefe Verfes are not made.

Now for the length of time, how long these Wars are like to be,

I may {peak fomething unto that, if Men will reafon fee.

The Scripture doth point out the time, and ’tis as we do chufe,

( 16 )

For to obey the Voice of God, or elfe for to refufe. The Prophet Yeremy doth fay, when War is threatened fore, That if Men do repent and turn, God will afflict no more. But fuch a turning unto God, as is but Verbally, When Men refufe for to reform, it is not worth a fly. Tis hard for you, as I do hear, though you be under Rod, To fay to L/rael Go, you, and ferve the Lord your God. Though you do many Prayers make, and add Fafting thereto, Yet if your Hands be full of Blood, all this will never do. The end that God doth fend his Sword,

is that we might amend;

Then if that we reform aright, the War will fhortly end.

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: a9) New- England they are like the Fews,

as like, as like can be; They made large Promifes to God, at home and at the Sea: They did proclaim free Liberty, they cut the Calf in twain, They paft between the Part thereof: O this was all in vain! For fince they came into this Land, they floated to and fro, Sometimes their Brethren may be free, while hence to Prifon go. According as the times to go, and Weather is abroad, So we can ferve our felves fometimes, and fometimes ferve the Lord. But let us hear what God doth fay to fuch backfliding Men, That can with Eafe fo break their Vows, and foon go back again. Fer. 34. He faith he will proclaim for them, a Freedom to the Sword,

(e785)

Becaufe they would not fear him fo as to obey his Word.

This Liberty unto the Sword, he hath proclaim’d for us,

And we are like to feel it long, if Matters do go thus.

’Tis better for our Magiftrates, to fhorten time, I fay,

By breaking of thofe Bands in two, that look an evil way.

You do profefs your felves to be Men that do pray always,

They do not keep such evil Laws, as may ferve at wet Days.

If that the Peace of God did rule with Power in our Heart,

Then outward War would flee away, and Reft would be our Part.

If we could love our Brethren, and do to them, I fay,

As we would they fhould do to us, we fhould be guite ftraightway.

( 19 ) But if that we a {miting go of Fellow-Servants fo No marvel if our Wars encreafe, and things fo heavy go. Tis like that fome may think and fay, our War would not remain, If fo be that a thoufand more of Natives were but {lain.

Alafs! thefe are but foolith thoughts,

God can make more arife, And if that there were none at all, he can make War with Flys.

It is the Prefence of the Lord muft make our Foes to fhake, Or elfe it’s like he will e’er long, know how to make us quake.

Let us lie low before the Lord, in all Humility,

And then we hall with 4/a fee our Enemies to fly.

But if that we do leave the Lord, and truft in Flefhly Arm,

(;20 ) Then ’tis no wonder if that we do here more News of Harm. Let’s have our Faith and Hope in God, and truft in him alone, And then no doubt this Storm of War it quickly will be gone. Thus Reader, I in Love to all, leave thefe few Lines with thee, Hoping that in the Subftance we fhall very well agree. If that you do miflike the Verfe, for its uncomely Drefs, I tell thee true, I never thought that it would pafs the Prefs, If any at the Matter kick, it’s like he’s gall’d at Heart, And that’s the Reafon why he kicks, becaufe he finds it {mart. I am for Peace, and not for War, and that’s the Reafon why I write more plain than fome Men do, that ufe to daub and lie.

( 2t )

But I fhall ceafe and fet my Name to what I here infert,

Becaufe to be a Libeller, I hate it with my Heart.

From *Sherbon Town, where now I dwell, my Name I do put here,

Without Offence your real Friend, it is Perer Foicer. April 23, 1676.

* Nantucket.

Warf BIND Ts, At the Court at St. FAMES’s, the 2d Day of June, 1724. PRESEN T.

The KING’s moft Excellent M

His Royal Highnefs the Duke of Newcaftle. Prince of Wales. Ear! of Weftmorland.

A. B. of Canterbury. Lord Vife. Townfhend.

Lord Chancellor. Lord Vifc. Torrington.

Lord Prefident. Mr. Speaker of the Houfe

Lord Privy Seal. of Commons.

Lord Chamberlain. Mr. Vice Chamberlain,

Duke of Roxburg. William Pultney, Efq;

Seae reading this Day at the Board, a Report from the Right Honourable the Lords of the Commit- tee of Councils, upon the Petition of Thomas Richardfon and Richard Partridge, on behalf of Fofeph Anthony, Fobn Siffon, Fobn Akin, and P} lip Taber, Prifoners in the common Goal at New Brifiol, in his Majefty’s Pro- vince of the Maffachufetts-Bay in New England, for not affeffing the Inhabitants of the Towns of Dartmouth and Tiverton, the additional Taxes of one Hundred Pounds, and Seventy two Pounds eleven Shillings

impofed upon them by an Act paffed there in the Year 1722, -which appears to be for the Maintenance of |

-refbyterian Mi- nifters, who are not of their perfwafion; and alfo in behalf of their Friends called Quakers in gencral, who are frequently under great Sufferings for Confcience fake

633°)

*1 that Government: By which Report it appears, that their Lordfhips are of Opinion, that it may be advifa- ble for his Majefty to remit the faid additional Taxes, fo impofed onthe faid two Towns, and to difcharge the faid Perfons from Goal.

His Majeity in Council taking the faid Report i Confideration, is graciously pleafed to approve there and hereby to remit the faid additional Taxes Hundred Pounds, and Sever two Pounds eleven Shil- lings, which were by fai t to be affeffed on the faid Towns of Dartmouth & § And his Majefty is hereby further pleafed order, that e faid -Fofeph Anthony, Fobn Siffon, Fob kin, & Phillip Taber, be im- mediately releafed from their Imprifonment on account

thereof.

due Obedience hereunto To the KING’s n

May it pleafe you aje ft

N Obedience to an Order in Council from the late Lords Juttices, during your Majefty’s Abfence abroad, bearing date the z4th day of O@oder laft, we did meke pafs’d in the Province of

the Maffachusetts-Bay in New-En @ it , entituled, An A& for apportioning and

TS Thoufand

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two Hundred thirty two Pounds thirteen Shillings & eleven

Pence. Since which Time another Act mention’d in the

faid Order of Ref *e pafled th day of May,

ing a oufand ;

Shillings &» eleven Pence Half Penny, is come to our hands ; by which Act a Tax is laid in exprefs Terms upon the Inhabitants of Dartmouth 7 of a pa F ga they call an Orthodo which falls eae entirely upon the Qué ing very eee Inhabitants of any other Perfwafion in thefe two Towns. But as by the Charter granted to this Pro- vince, a free and abfolute Liberty of Confcience to all Chriftans (except Papifts) was intended to have been their Foundation and Support; and as by feveral Laws pafled there, it feems to have been laid down as a juft and equitable Rule, that the Majority of each Town- Congregation fhould have the choice of their own Teach- ers, we cannot fee why the Quakers fhould be refufed this Liberty in the Towns where they are fo great a Majority, and be obliged to maintain a Teacher of different Per-

{wafion. Wherefore we geno propofe to your Majefty, that this Aé&t may be aa

W hic moft humbly fubmitted, Whitehall, May 6, 1724. Weftmorland. A true Copy, T. Pelham. Teft. R. Partridge. M. Bladen

Edw. Athe.

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